What caused the India-Pakistan War of 1971
December 3, 1971 — Pakistani Army launched Operation Chengez Khan, consisting of a series of preemptive aerial strikes on 11 Indian air stations. Indian Army responded by launching air attacks the same night. And thus began the Indo-Pak war of 1971.
But India was a late participant in the ongoing “Dance of Death”.
This was not a war between India and Pakistan in the truest sense.
This was the war between two Pakistan, both geo-politically and ideologically. The war of ethnicities, the war of language, and the war of liberation. This was the war between East Pakistan and West Pakistan. Between two regions struggling to formulate an identity.
Perhaps, for the first time in history,
“the majority got independence from the minority”.
To understand this conflict that led to the “Liberation of Bangladesh” on December 16, 1971. We must delve into the history of the conflict that starts much before the birth of these two nations.
The two Pakistan
After the partition of British India in 1947, Pakistan was formed. But the two areas of Pakistan, East and West were separated by the Indian land area of more than 1500 km. The area in the west that is currently known as Pakistan was made by joining five provinces of Sindh, Balochistan, Kashmir, KPK, and Punjab, and the area in the east was known as East Bengal and is presently called Bangladesh.
The idea of an Independent Muslim land in the subcontinent, dreamed by poet Iqbal was given the name “PAKISTAN” by Chaudhary Rehmat Ali in 1933.
This name was a clever wordplay combining the provinces of north-western British India — Punjab, Afghania, Kashmir, Sindh, and Balochistan.
It is fascinating that East Bengal was not even a part of the idea of Pakistan. Religion was the fragile thread that held the two Pakistan together. The wings of the new state had two very different cultures otherwise. In the desperate attempt to make a new state, little did the founding fathers of Pakistan imagine the myriad of problems and conflicts that the nation was going to face in the next 24 years, ending in bloody massacres, genocidal rapes and exodus, and a humiliating war.
Before moving on to the actual events, one peculiar idea formulated by the British must be understood to understand the socio-economical standing of East Pakistan to that of West Pakistan.
Martial Race Theory
Bengal was the first region conquered by the British in the 18th century. The people of Bengal never hesitated to show their discontent with the colonizers. Naturally the British were always suspicious of the Bengali diaspora. The British came up with this idea of “Martial Races” — according to this theory, some groups of people were natural warriors and hence ideally more suited to the military.
It was a theory to rule India using Indians.
Those groups that had initially revolted against the British such as the Bengalis were kept away from the military perhaps for this vague idea of martial race.
Whereas people from Punjab and Pashtun areas were actively recruited. A job in the military was economically and socially beneficial and so the economic condition and social standing of these groups were better than the others.
This trend continued in Pakistan even after Independence. Important positions in the military and bureaucracy were dominated by the Punjabi-Pathan elites.
A relationship of exploitation
Pakistan in the period between 1947 to 1971 remained mostly under the grip of military dictators and autocratic leaders.
The promise of political power-sharing with east Bengal or East Pakistan was never fulfilled. The Bengali population was not favorably viewed for higher ranks in government positions. The already corrupt Pakistani government and political factions were not honest even in corruption.
In the 1950s and 1960s, it is argued, the “colonial exploitation” of East Pakistan by West Pakistan gave rise to a nationalist movement in Bengal that “inevitably” led to Bengal’s secession. This “colonialism” was manifest in the unequal exchange, via foreign trade mechanisms, of primary products for manufactured goods.
West Pakistanis controlled industry and commerce in both wings.
It meant discrimination against Bengalis in the upper levels of the bureaucracy and the military, nations that had ruled Pakistan for most of this period, buttressed by stereotypes of Bengalis as weak and cowardly. And it included an effort to impose an “alien” state language, Urdu.
The economic exploitation of West Pakistan in the 50s and 60s further fractured the East Pakistan economy and the population plunged into deep poverty. Whereas the western wing flourished and the elites gained the most from this relationship of exploitation.
The Language Problem in Pakistan
In a desperate attempt to consolidate unity the leaders of the Muslim league such as Jinnah declared Urdu, a language not native to any of its provinces and spoken by a 10% minority called mohajirs as the national language. This decision did not fare well with the Bengali population who felt discriminated against.
Massive agitations and protests were launched against this decision on various occasions by political leaders to show their displeasure.
Urdu is not native to any of the Pakistani provinces.
Election of 1970
In a country that struggled to form democracy, General Yahya Khan, the military dictator of Pakistan during that period decided to conduct Pakistan’s first General Election in 1970.
The elections were a fierce contest between two social democratic parties, the west-based Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and the east-based Awami League. The Awami League was the sole major party in the east wing, while in the west wing, the PPP faced severe competition from the conservative factions of the Muslim League, the largest of which was the Muslim League (Qayyum), as well as Islamist parties like Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) and Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP).
Established in 1949, as the Bengali alternative to the domination of the Muslim League in Pakistan the Awami League led by Sheikh Mujib was a fierce opponent of west-wing domination. In 1966 the league had put forward the “6-point demands”. Proposed by Mujib, the 6-point was widely accepted by the East Pakistani populace, as they proposed greater autonomy for the provinces of Pakistan.
After the 1968 Agartala Conspiracy Case, and the subsequent end of Ayub Khan’s regime in Pakistan, the Awami League and its leader Sheikh Mujib reached the peak of their popularity among the East Pakistani Bengali population.
The result was a victory for the Awami League, which gained an absolute majority, winning 160 of the 162 general seats and all seven women’s seats in East Pakistan, a total of 167 seats out of 313. The PPP won only 81 general seats and five women’s seats, all in West Pakistan.
The result of this election was not accepted by the PPP, they claimed that Awami League has not secured a single seat in the west wing so they were not eligible to form a government of the entire Pakistan. This vague rhetoric was forwarded to Yahya Khan who dreaded the secessionist tendency of the Awami League.
Yahya Khan postponed National Assembly for an indefinite period and initiated talks among the members of both parties amid a widespread non-cooperation movement initiated by the League in March 1971.
This was the time when the Bengali identity of East Pakistan triumphed over the Islamic identity of Pakistan. The calls for an independent Bangladesh or “ The Land of The Bengalis” could be heard on the streets of Dhaka.
There were a large number of people in East Pakistan who did not support this movement, most of them belonged to the Bihari community.
There were many incidences of clashes between the Bihari and Bengali communities.
Attacks on Urdu speaking Bihari community in East Pakistan became the excuse for the military action against the ongoing protest. The Pakistani army launched a brutal crackdown under Operation Searchlight.
Operation Searchlight
Operation Searchlight meant an operation to find the main agitators, conspirators, and traitors who were acting against the state of Pakistan. Bengali intelligentsia, academics, and Hindus were widely targeted alongside Muslim Bengali nationalists — with widespread, indiscriminate extrajudicial killings. The nature of these systematic purges enraged the Bengalis, who created a militia called Mukti Bahini to fight against the army.
Pakistani Army under General Tikka Khan organized a counter militia combining the hardline Islamist groups such as Jamaat-e-Islami and formed “Razakars”.
The two branches of Razakars, Al-Badr, and Al-Shams were responsible for heinous war crimes, murders, and genocidal rapes against pro-Bangladeshi and especially the Hindu community, whom they considered as Indian spies responsible for inciting the conflict.
The nature of violence in this war was such that around ten million people ran away into the border areas of India leading to a huge refugee and humanitarian crisis.
Indian Intervention
The Indian government under PM Indira Gandhi was constantly in talks with the leaders of the Awami League.
During the genocide, the Indian government opened East Pakistan–India border to allow the Bengali refugees to find a safe shelter; the governments of West Bengal, Bihar, Assam, Meghalaya, and Tripura established refugee camps along the border.
The resulting flood of impoverished East Pakistani refugees strained India’s already overburdened economy. Defected East Pakistan military officers and the elements of the Indian Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) immediately started using the Indian refugee camps for the recruitment and training of Mukti Bahini guerrillas that were to be trained against Pakistan. Later, it was decided that going to war against Pakistan was more economical than taking in millions of refugees. General Sam Maniksaw initially refused to go to Bangladesh citing the upcoming monsoon rains that could be detrimental to the Indian army.
Indo-Pak War, 1971
Operation Chengez Khan by Pakistan
In response to Indian intervention and anticipation of an attack from India, the Pakistani army launched air strikes on eleven Indian air bases on December 3, 1971. These attacks were designed along the lines of Israeli Air Force attacks during the Arab-Isreal war of 1967 that made them victorious. However, for Pakistan, these attacks proved to be detrimental.
Operational Trident and Operation Python by India
Indian army retaliated in response to the air attacks by launching counter-air raids, while the Indian army pushed forward deeper into East Pakistan it took steps to ensure that West Pakistan would not provide any assistance whether by land or sea. On December 4, the Indian navy launched Operation Trident and bombed Karachi port. Important Pakistani vessels PNS Khaibar, PNS Shah Jahan, and PNS Muhafiz were destroyed, crippling the Pakistani Navy.
After the first attack during Operation Trident on the Port of Karachi, Pakistan stepped up aerial surveillance of its coast as the presence of large Indian Navy ships gave the impression that another attack was being planned. Pakistani warships attempted to outsmart the Indian Navy by mingling with merchant shipping. To counter these moves, Operation Python was launched.
Parallel to these operations, Indian Army moved to East Pakistan while defending its western borders. The Pakistani army and other militias were surrounded. Indian Air Force soon gained complete control over East Pakistan Air Space.
Instrument of Surrender
On 16 December 1971, Pakistan ultimately called for a unilateral ceasefire and surrendered its entire four-tier military to the Indian Army– hence ending the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971.
On the ground, Pakistan suffered the most, with 8,000 killed and 25,000 wounded, while India only had 3,000 dead and 12,000 wounded. The loss of armored vehicles was similarly imbalanced and this finally represented a major defeat for Pakistan. Officially, the Instrument of Surrender of Pakistan Eastern Command stationed in East Pakistan was signed between Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, the GOC-in-C of Indian Eastern Command, and Lieutenant-General A.A.K. Niazi, the Commander of the Pakistan Eastern Command, at the Ramna Race Course in Dacca at 16:31Hrs IST on 16 December 1971.
Liberation of Bangladesh
The serene beauty of the Ganga-Brahmaputra basin was soaked in blood, the fertile land was filled with thousands of corpses, and millions were out in the streets when a new nation was born.
The nation that is now called Bangladesh.
Indian intervention was not a military power show but a humanitarian need. The conflict between the two Pakistan would have claimed innumerable more lives if India had not been involved.
Tragic Aftermath
The story of the Liberation of Bangladesh is a tragedy in every way. Soon after independence, Bangladesh was hit by natural disasters, economic problems, and political turmoil. The Awami League turned autocratic and its leaders were involved in rampant corruption. The country was soon taken over by the military after the brutal assassination of Sheikh Mujib and his family members.
The military dictators and futile power-hungry political parties seek refuge under the religious umbrella to gain legitimacy. Ironically, Bangladesh saw its very own political and social divide between two identities.
East Pakistan after becoming Bangladesh was struggling between Bengali(secular) and Bangladeshi(Islamic) identities.
The Pakistani army might look like the immediate villain in this story but a deeper dive is required to completely understand this matter. Armies just follow orders.
The problem of Pakistan should not become an instrument to mock the nation or its citizens.
The identity of Pakistan was not properly formed in the desperation of having a separate country. The entire focus of the Pakistani elite and leaders went into holding power by any means possible.
The ethnic, linguistic, and religious problems after partition was an outcome of that greed, confusion, and identity crisis.
Unfortunately, many other nations went through the same turmoil after independence from European powers. This particular event in history is a lesson on the importance of inclusivity and identity.
The people who fled from purge and persecution during the war are still in large numbers in India, even after five decades. The Bihari community that supported the Pakistani army still lives in the ghettos and slums of Dhaka in abysmal conditions.
The humanitarian crisis that started in 1947 and reached its zenith in 1971 is still not over.
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